Paper presented by Ambassador Allan Wagner, Andean Community Secretary General, at the Conference “Building Democracy across Borders” organized by IDEA International

Stockholm, June 10, 2005

This paper analyzes the current problems of democracy in Latin America, particularly in the Andean region. We will also address the complex nature of democratic transitions and the need to build a new democratic state that will redefine, in the present context, the relations between state and society based on a new social pact. We will likewise explore the integration process as both a framework and an instrument for active participation in consolidating democracy in the region. The presentation will conclude with the proposal of some reforms aimed at reinforcing democracy and which could well serve as a common ground of sorts for our efforts.

The defense, promotion and consolidation of democracy are, as we all know, a collective undertaking to which not only each individual country, but also the entire international community, are committed, as IDEA well understands and the Andean Community practices.

It is an undeniable fact that democracy, despite the efforts of our governments, our political parties and the democratic sectors of our societies, continues to remain weak in our region and it would appear that the Andean countries are becoming the focal point of those problems.

In the past fifteen years alone, ten Latin American Presidents have been unable to complete their terms of office, seven of these in the Andean countries.

If we compare the Andean situation with that of other countries in the Latin American region that have confronted similar processes in the past, we will see that the political systems and established political parties in the latter countries have been able to respond better to those situations. This would indicate that the crisis of representation and representativity is greater in the Andean countries than in other countries of Latin America.

Another important fact is that multiculturalism --in other words, diversity and the existence of minorities and native peoples-- is stronger in the Andean region than in other Latin American countries. To this, we must add that over one-half the Andean population lives below the poverty line and that the region has one of the highest unequal income distribution rates. In stating these facts, we are not trying to establish a direct relationship between political crisis, multiculturalism and poverty, but, rather, to draw attention to the complexity of the situation in our region when it comes to strengthening democracy.

But, above and beyond these facts, the threats to democracy no longer come from military coups, as in the past. The era when military forces interrupted democratic rule to establish dictatorships that were intended to perpetuate themselves has, in practice, come to an end. The international community and the very Inter-American System, as well as the Andean Community, have created mechanisms to prevent coups d’etats.

Today, however, it is society itself that undertakes to put an end to democratically elected governments. Another equally interesting fact is that crises have been resolved through constitutional means. All Latin American countries, including the Andean region, maintain constitutional legality once a government has been ousted from power, showing that it is not the intention of society to destroy democracy through these acts. In fact, society demands and accepts constitutional change as a solution to the crisis. As the UNDP report on “Democracy in Latin America” points out, “there is no unease about democracy, but there is unease within democracy.”

To sum up, we can say that the governments of the Latin American countries are chosen through electoral processes that comply with internationally accepted requirements and standards. In fact, those processes have not only been perfected over the years, but that they have protective mechanisms like the international election observers.

Despite this relatively favorable context, we must ask ourselves why democracy is still weak in our countries. Why although democracy has continued to exist over time, there are broad sectors of our society that are dissatisfied with certain aspects of it. And why, as the UNDP report states, the specter of authoritarianism continues to loom over our democracies.

2.- The complexity of democratic transitions

From a traditional viewpoint, it can be said that democratic transitions are processes involving a changeover from one system to another --for example, the move from an authoritarian to a democratic system--, and not merely of one government to another. For that reason, the transition process involves other key aspects, such as a change in rules --and within these, the electoral process and the way people are elected-- , the return to a the rule of law and respect for freedoms and human rights.

Academic literature today on the subject of transitions, however, indicates that these must be understood as processes with a dual movement: on the one hand, a movement involving a change in system (from an authoritarian to a democratic regime), and on the other, a movement of change in the rules by which the state and society are organized.

To further complicate the analysis of democratic transitions, we could say that there is a third level of change: the change in social order. To put it another way: the need to replace an unjust social order with a just one, regardless of whether the system is authoritarian or democratic. Data on inequality, poverty and social exclusion in the region are indicators of the need for a change in social order.

The reasons for the weakness of democracies and for the recurring crises in our region are more easily understood if we add to the unease over the instability and unreliability of existing democratic institutions, the continued existence of old forms of political interaction and the demands for a more just social order.

In light of what has been said, the need for the Latin American and Andean countries to start up a process of reforms is imperative.

In this connection, I would like to propose eight reforms that, in my judgment, are necessary to strengthen democracy and enhance democratic governance.

1. Give politics back its key position, today in question due to the predominant role of the market and of the so-called “de facto powers”. If politics, politicians and the spaces in which politics are conducted are experiencing a crisis, it is because they have lost their importance and their power to find solutions to our most pressing social problems.

2. In keeping with this, discuss the characteristics of the new democratic state that Latin America and the Andean region require. The reform of the state must, accordingly, go beyond the administrative terrain and be approached as a political reform that will rethink political-social relations and the very function of the state. It is a question, then, of modernizing and democratizing not only the state, but also society.

3. Reduce the social gap --in other words, reduce poverty and inequality and include those who are marginalized. This assumes that one of the political issues should be how to give our societies a greater measure of social cohesion. History has shown us that societies must be socially and politically cohesive in order to be successful in undertaking development.

4. Move toward building a democracy of citizens based in more and better rights for all, but also in the modernizing and democratizing of political parties, which are the main links between citizens and their state. In short, the quality of political representation must be improved to make it more inclusive and democratic.

5. Design a series of reforms to improve democratic institutions, particularly supreme courts, constitutional courts and electoral institutions, in order to guarantee their suitability and independence -in other words, build a democratic state governed by the rule law.

6. Openly fight corruption in both state and society by making the management of public property more transparent and developing a culture of abiding by the law.

7. Put into effect a development model that is comprehensive, that while targeting growth, competitiveness and a increased international presence, ensures equity, inclusion and social cohesion at the same time. In other words, recover the economy for policy to benefit society and produce a new social pact.

8. Develop a policy based on generating consensuses and on building long-term national agendas that involve agreements between political and social actors and that link domestic affairs with obtaining a competitive international position with social inclusion. In other words, set aside a locally-based policy of confrontation and collectively seek to create a new political, social, economic and cultural order in a world that is becoming increasingly globalized.

Considering this context and the proposed reforms, we should ask ourselves how integration can contribute to consolidating democracy.

In September 1980, the Andean Presidents gathered in Riobamba, Ecuador, signed a Code of Conduct. Clause 3 of that Code reiterates their formal affirmation that “respect for human, political, economic and social rights is a fundamental rule of internal conduct of the Andean Group states, which it is their international obligation to defend and that, as a result, joint action taken to protect those rights does not violate the principles of non-intervention”. While this is a generally recognized concept today, the fact is that 25 years ago it was not, and reflected a new situation: namely, that this was the first time the five Andean countries had democratic governments.

In February 1989, the Andean Presidents gathered in Caracas, signed a Joint Declaration in which they recognized that “the existence of democratic regimes in all the Member Countries makes it possible to advance the subregion’s integration on legal bases”. Months later, on celebrating the Twentieth Anniversary of the signing of the Cartagena Agreement, they declared that “the democratic system is the unbreakable principle and the appropriate instrument for guaranteeing full respect for human rights”.

In 1999, the Andean Presidents signed the Protocol entitled “Andean Community Commitment to Democracy,” in which, by establishing that democratic government was a requirement for membership in the Andean Community, they incorporated, in practice, a sort of “democratic clause” in the Andean body of law. It should be stressed that that Protocol also stipulates the procedures to be followed in the event of developments that could be considered a disruption of constitutional order, as well as measures to be adopted in the event of such a disruption.

This brief historical account illustrates a basic fact: the very integration process, as a result of its old and new commitments, is a guarantee of sorts that democracy will be protected. We mean by this that the exercise of democracy is a precondition for participation in the integration process and for its success. Today, it is no longer possible to pursue integration and democracy separately as unrelated processes. For that reason, integration must be considered, at the same time, a process of democratic consolidation in the Andean region.

The Andean Community, by reason of this, considers that a lack of political and democratic stability in our subregion would affect its integration process. In this connection, we are participating at present in the new Ecuadorian government’s process of democratic transition. As a result of a law recently enacted by that country’s Congress, the Andean Community, together with the European Union and the United Nations will participate as monitors of the process to appoint a new and independent Supreme Court. We are also preparing to collaborate in the national dialogue promoted by the government of President Palacio.

In the case of Bolivia, we are developing a cooperation program to both improve the country’s economic performance and make it more governable. We sincerely hope that recent developments in the country are not indicative of a break with institutional legality and that vehicles for dialogue and democratic coordination may be strengthened to allow for lasting solutions to be reached to the serious and complex crises affecting our sister nation.

The Andean Community is aware of the importance of the fight against poverty, exclusion and social inequality and has accordingly approved the Integrated Social Development Plan (ISDP). Under this Plan, common integral development strategies will be designed and regional projects will be executed for the purpose of reinforcing, from the vantage point of the integration movement, national programs to fight poverty, exclusion and inequality.

In summing up, we can say that for the Andean Community the main challenge consists of articulating our countries’ internal and external agendas. This means not only taking account of the globalization and subregional integration processes, but also finding a way to combine increased participation in world economy, integral development, social cohesion and improved democratic governance.

IDEA International has complied efficiently with its mandate to contribute to democratic consolidation. This is borne out by, among other things, its contribution to democracy in Guatemala, where its report “The Mission of an Entire Nation” continues to serve as a basic reference point in the task of consolidating peace and democratic institutions in that country. In Peru, also, its support for the National Agreement, the formation of a working committee of political parties to draft the law on parties, and the promotion of the Collective Group of Citizens for Governance to diagnose the critical problems of Peruvian democracy, is further evidence of IDEA’s contribution.

Furthermore, IDEA International has shown its ability to combine efforts in a series of valuable initiatives for the region with the OAS, the IDB, the UNDP, the Rio Group and the Latin American Parliament, building an image of close association with the construction of Latin America’s new democratic landscape.

The relations between IDEA International and the Andean Community are strong and fruitful in this connection. Thanks to the AGORA Democrática Project created by IDEA and Peru’s Asociación Civil Transparencia and cosponsored by the CAN, the IDB and the UNDP, a series of seminars and targeted activities are being conducted in the Andean region, aimed not only at encouraging a discussion between politicians, scholars and specialists on the various political processes, but also at strengthening the links among the political parties and promoting a reform of the different political systems in the Andean countries.

To this end, we are now working with AGORA Democrática to advance several initiatives, among them, the formation of a rountable committee of Andean political parties and the creation of an Andean mechanism to reinforce a culture of dialogue and democratic coordination through an exchange of experiences among various political and social actors. It is our hope that this meeting of IDEA International will help attract the interest of the international democratic community in the AGORA Project so that we can count on its active collaboration.

In its study “Politics matters,” IDEA points out very rightly that the exercise of democratic freedoms and competitive electoral processes have remained at unprecedentedly high levels in the Latin American and Caribbean countries over the past twenty-five years. It goes on to add equally rightly that the ceaseless struggle of democracies in the region to establish legitimate representative institutions and more participatory and consensual decision-making processes, to consolidate the state of law and to control corruption have clearly revealed that building democracy is a difficult and long-term process.

The aim of creating consolidated and participatory democracies offers the best framework for achieving active cooperation that extends beyond our borders, as this meeting proposes. Democracy today is a desirable good, but one that is precarious and difficult to achieve, as is, on occasion, the integration process itself.

We cannot and must not remain on the sidelines in this long undertaking. Building an integrated, democratic order capable of promoting and safeguarding respect for human rights, but also a decent life for all citizens is a task in which we must all join.

The Andean Community joins International IDEA in this endavour.

Thank-you very much.